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    Expensive
   Lessons for Government and Rural Industry from the Wool Stockpile 
   Bob
   Richardson 
   Dean,
   Institute of Land and Food Resources, University of Melbourne 
    
   The wool stockpile,
   accumulated due to the collapse of the Reserve Price Scheme at the start of
   the 1990’s was finally sold in 2001. This closes a significant chapter in
   the long history of woolgrowing in Australia, one which began with the
   introduction of the Scheme in the early 1970’s. While the Scheme appeared
   to stabilise prices in the 1974-87 period, eventually over-confidence set in,
   the reserve level was raised too much and this sowed the seeds of
   destruction. It also reinforced a sense of inevitability that such schemes
   are doomed from the outset. 
   In the 1960’s and 70’s,
   the wool industry flirted with ideas of compulsory acquisition and, when the
   risks of that were seen to be too great, with loose concepts of integrated
   marketing. This involved price stabilisation, global promotion based on the
   Woolmark symbol, and research and development. Each of the marketing
   strategies, on its own, appeared to be successful for a time; Woolmark
   promotion was widely judged to be a good investment up to the 1980’s and a
   continued case for wool research and development can be made.  
   Even the price support
   scheme was concluded to have stabilised prices up to the mid-1980’s. The
   presumed synergy of the strategies, a much more doubtful proposition, was
   part of the political rhetoric of the times and of the undoing of integrated
   marketing. 
   The most obvious lesson
   from this experience is the fundamental weakness of price stabilisation
   schemes. Sooner or later over-confidence sets in and policy setting falls
   into the hands of producers and/or politicians who set the minimum price too
   high.  
   So it was with wool; what
   started out as a conservative floor price scheme subtly changed to an
   aggressive market-related reserve price scheme with all the attendant risks.
   The wool scheme was bound to fail once the floor price was raised by about 70
   per cent over two years, to well above long-term trends. Politically this
   seemed the only way the Australian Wool Corporation (AWC) and the Wool
   Council of Australia could maintain the funding base of a compulsory wool
   tax. Government acquiesced in this in 1987, by removing the relevant Minister
   from the reserve price setting process, unless the parties disagreed. A
   strong political imperative to agree was thus created. 
   It is altogether too
   simplistic to blame greedy woolgrowers for this disaster. Their money was at
   risk and a good many grower leaders particularly from the Western Australian
   Pastoralists and Graziers Association and some Queenslanders, argued the case
   against the extent of the increase; such leaders received precious little
   support at the time from commercial and government participants in the
   decision-making process, or from rural industry leaders at the time, who
   subsequently claim to have seen the light. 
   The collapse of the scheme
   has been at the forefront of policy efforts to reduce the role of single
   commodity statutory authorities, or at least to make their marketing roles
   more contestable. The Wheat Board now listed on the Australian share market
   in its private enterprise disguise, while retaining legislated monopoly
   control of export marketing of wheat, has so far bucked this trend.  
   In the wool industry, the McLachlan
   Report of 1999 performed the valuable but difficult roles of
   lowering expectations of woolgrowers about collective and integrated
   marketing and of promoting wider acceptance that private competitive market
   forces offer the best way forward in marketing, risk management and quality
   assurance. 
   Perhaps another lesson is
   that we must be careful not to over-react to the failings of government
   policy in the wool industry. The remnant organisation from the old AWC, the
   supposedly more commercial Australian Wool Innovation Ltd. (AWI) is now
   seeking to commercialise research and development based on continued
   compulsory levies.  
   This seems to deny the
   underlying reality that a good deal of valuable long-term industry research
   and development has most of the characteristics of a public good. The refusal
   of AWI Ltd to part-fund the proposed sheep and wool Cooperative Research
   Centre (CRC) is a manifestation of this over-reaction and sends a signal to
   many scientists in rural research to direct their energies to other
   industries. 
   Whether final sale of the
   stockpile heralds a new era of higher wool prices and profitability is
   doubtful. The sale of the stockpile from 1991 to 2001 was seriously
   mismanaged by governments and was blamed for persistent low prices; this
   masked the reality of fundamental changes in demand for wool. Over the eleven
   years, sale of the 4.75 million bale stockpile was probably 5-10 per cent of
   global producer sales, so its effect on prices was modest. 
   On the demand side,
   competitive fibres (cotton and synthetics) expanded their value and share of
   wool end use markets; this occurred at falling real prices and yet, because
   of productivity improvements, these competitors remain strong. More casual
   dressing in developed countries and increased use of wool in blends in
   developing countries will continue this trend. 
   There are some serious and
   lasting consequences from the collapse. A major opportunity cost of the
   scheme was its disruption to the development of innovative marketing systems.
   It undermined the development of private risk markets; the once thriving wool
   futures market actually disappeared and is only now making a gradual comeback
   as an instrument for efficient forward pricing of wool. And it seriously
   distorted price signals that usually guide efficient resource allocation in
   production and marketing, for example, seasonality of prices, a meaningful
   signal to producers about time of shearing and to buyers about seasonal
   quality attributes to offerings, was altered; the AWC operated a constant
   floor at the micron and type level within each season and tended to be a net
   buyer in the first half and a net seller in the second half of each season 
   The lessons from past
   mistakes are often difficult for rural industry leaders to accept. Despite
   the protracted Uruguay Round of World Trade negotiations, they see huge
   assistance packages to their competitors in Europe and the USA.  
   We cannot hope to match the
   folly of such policies by ever repeating the disastrous experience of the
   wool industry with government backed intervention schemes. A legacy from this
   experience, if we needed one, is a classic textbook case of why buffer stock
   schemes do not work. 
    
   References 
   McLachan,
   I. 1999, Report of the Wool Industry Future Directions Taskforce, AGPS,
   Canberra. 
   Richardson,
   B. 2000, ‘The politics and economics of wool marketing, 1950-2000’, Australian
   Journal of Agricultural and Resource Economics, vol 45. 
   Footnotes 
   
     
    
     
     Bob Richardson, now Dean of the Institute of Land and Food Resources at the
     University of Melbourne is the author of a recent paper in the AJARE,
     reviewing 50 years of politics and economies in the wool industry. The
     present paper is a Revised Version of a feature published in the Australian
     Financial Review, July 2000.
     
    
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