Expensive
Lessons for Government and Rural Industry from the Wool Stockpile
Bob
Richardson
Dean,
Institute of Land and Food Resources, University of Melbourne
The wool stockpile,
accumulated due to the collapse of the Reserve Price Scheme at the start of
the 1990’s was finally sold in 2001. This closes a significant chapter in
the long history of woolgrowing in Australia, one which began with the
introduction of the Scheme in the early 1970’s. While the Scheme appeared
to stabilise prices in the 1974-87 period, eventually over-confidence set in,
the reserve level was raised too much and this sowed the seeds of
destruction. It also reinforced a sense of inevitability that such schemes
are doomed from the outset.
In the 1960’s and 70’s,
the wool industry flirted with ideas of compulsory acquisition and, when the
risks of that were seen to be too great, with loose concepts of integrated
marketing. This involved price stabilisation, global promotion based on the
Woolmark symbol, and research and development. Each of the marketing
strategies, on its own, appeared to be successful for a time; Woolmark
promotion was widely judged to be a good investment up to the 1980’s and a
continued case for wool research and development can be made.
Even the price support
scheme was concluded to have stabilised prices up to the mid-1980’s. The
presumed synergy of the strategies, a much more doubtful proposition, was
part of the political rhetoric of the times and of the undoing of integrated
marketing.
The most obvious lesson
from this experience is the fundamental weakness of price stabilisation
schemes. Sooner or later over-confidence sets in and policy setting falls
into the hands of producers and/or politicians who set the minimum price too
high.
So it was with wool; what
started out as a conservative floor price scheme subtly changed to an
aggressive market-related reserve price scheme with all the attendant risks.
The wool scheme was bound to fail once the floor price was raised by about 70
per cent over two years, to well above long-term trends. Politically this
seemed the only way the Australian Wool Corporation (AWC) and the Wool
Council of Australia could maintain the funding base of a compulsory wool
tax. Government acquiesced in this in 1987, by removing the relevant Minister
from the reserve price setting process, unless the parties disagreed. A
strong political imperative to agree was thus created.
It is altogether too
simplistic to blame greedy woolgrowers for this disaster. Their money was at
risk and a good many grower leaders particularly from the Western Australian
Pastoralists and Graziers Association and some Queenslanders, argued the case
against the extent of the increase; such leaders received precious little
support at the time from commercial and government participants in the
decision-making process, or from rural industry leaders at the time, who
subsequently claim to have seen the light.
The collapse of the scheme
has been at the forefront of policy efforts to reduce the role of single
commodity statutory authorities, or at least to make their marketing roles
more contestable. The Wheat Board now listed on the Australian share market
in its private enterprise disguise, while retaining legislated monopoly
control of export marketing of wheat, has so far bucked this trend.
In the wool industry, the McLachlan
Report of 1999 performed the valuable but difficult roles of
lowering expectations of woolgrowers about collective and integrated
marketing and of promoting wider acceptance that private competitive market
forces offer the best way forward in marketing, risk management and quality
assurance.
Perhaps another lesson is
that we must be careful not to over-react to the failings of government
policy in the wool industry. The remnant organisation from the old AWC, the
supposedly more commercial Australian Wool Innovation Ltd. (AWI) is now
seeking to commercialise research and development based on continued
compulsory levies.
This seems to deny the
underlying reality that a good deal of valuable long-term industry research
and development has most of the characteristics of a public good. The refusal
of AWI Ltd to part-fund the proposed sheep and wool Cooperative Research
Centre (CRC) is a manifestation of this over-reaction and sends a signal to
many scientists in rural research to direct their energies to other
industries.
Whether final sale of the
stockpile heralds a new era of higher wool prices and profitability is
doubtful. The sale of the stockpile from 1991 to 2001 was seriously
mismanaged by governments and was blamed for persistent low prices; this
masked the reality of fundamental changes in demand for wool. Over the eleven
years, sale of the 4.75 million bale stockpile was probably 5-10 per cent of
global producer sales, so its effect on prices was modest.
On the demand side,
competitive fibres (cotton and synthetics) expanded their value and share of
wool end use markets; this occurred at falling real prices and yet, because
of productivity improvements, these competitors remain strong. More casual
dressing in developed countries and increased use of wool in blends in
developing countries will continue this trend.
There are some serious and
lasting consequences from the collapse. A major opportunity cost of the
scheme was its disruption to the development of innovative marketing systems.
It undermined the development of private risk markets; the once thriving wool
futures market actually disappeared and is only now making a gradual comeback
as an instrument for efficient forward pricing of wool. And it seriously
distorted price signals that usually guide efficient resource allocation in
production and marketing, for example, seasonality of prices, a meaningful
signal to producers about time of shearing and to buyers about seasonal
quality attributes to offerings, was altered; the AWC operated a constant
floor at the micron and type level within each season and tended to be a net
buyer in the first half and a net seller in the second half of each season
The lessons from past
mistakes are often difficult for rural industry leaders to accept. Despite
the protracted Uruguay Round of World Trade negotiations, they see huge
assistance packages to their competitors in Europe and the USA.
We cannot hope to match the
folly of such policies by ever repeating the disastrous experience of the
wool industry with government backed intervention schemes. A legacy from this
experience, if we needed one, is a classic textbook case of why buffer stock
schemes do not work.
References
McLachan,
I. 1999, Report of the Wool Industry Future Directions Taskforce, AGPS,
Canberra.
Richardson,
B. 2000, ‘The politics and economics of wool marketing, 1950-2000’, Australian
Journal of Agricultural and Resource Economics, vol 45.
Footnotes
Bob Richardson, now Dean of the Institute of Land and Food Resources at the
University of Melbourne is the author of a recent paper in the AJARE,
reviewing 50 years of politics and economies in the wool industry. The
present paper is a Revised Version of a feature published in the Australian
Financial Review, July 2000.
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